Y VIVA ESPAÑA

Porque é que não temos mais disto cá?
Porque é que os Jornalistas em Portugal e no Reino Unido rastejam atrás dos McCanns como baratas acéfalas?
Porque é que não são capazes de fazerem uma cobertura isenta e objectiva?
Porque é que os Espanhóis parecem ter mais cojones?

Mais Português do que eu não deve haver muito, mas às vezes dá vontade de emigrar para Espanha.

Parabéns ao Dr. Paulo Sargento.
Gracias a Mercedes e al Canal Cuatro.

Portugal Proíbe Livros

“Este povo é ignorante é indolente, avesso a pensar e a proceder…"

                                                                   circa 1908, Basílio Teles, As Ditaduras


Pouco mudou, muito infelizmente.
De facto, os políticos que temos são os que merecemos.
E a Justiça, ou a falta dela, também.

Todo o país assobia para o lado ou fala entre dentes, mas não é capaz de levantar um dedo.
Um dos poucos exemplos de coragem e de inconformismo, é nos dado por Gonçalo Amaral, um homem que tem ousado enfrentar e questionar as conveniências dos poderosos, e por isso, sofrido as consequentes represálias dos que podem usar o sistema contra quem efectivamente o suporta.

Como explicar a decisão desta Juiza do Tribunal de Lisboa, dia 18 de Fevereiro?
Como explicar o facto dela ter ignorado o testemunho contundente de Moita Flores? E o de todas as outras testemunhas, na sua maioria, balizadas no trabalho realizado em 2007 pela Polícia Britânica e pela PJ, em conjunto?
Sim, porque quem compreender Inglês e quiser ver por si, pode seguir o que foi dito em tribunal aqui.
Do ponto de vista de um leigo, os argumentos da Juíza Maria Gabriela para fundamentar a sua decisão, com todo o respeito, são incompreensíveis.

Quando está em causa a Liberdade de Expressão, versus o direito individual de alguém que tem tanta credibilidade como o oponente - ao menos isso ficou claro nas Audiências - é indispensável que o fundamento da decisão seja realmente um argumento de peso. Diria mesmo, um fundamento de força maior ou de 'salva-pátria'... caso contrário, é o completo descrédito da Justiça.

Confirma-se assim, a proibição de um livro e a inibição da opinião de um cidadão, em nome de quê? Da opinião de um casal, no mínimo, suspeito de deixar menores sozinhos, noite após noite, de contradições nos depoimentos e de falta de cooperação com as autoridades? Já para não falar da falta de respeito e arrogância que sempre demonstraram para com Portugal e os Portugueses? Please!...

Ou em nome da opinião pessoal da Drªa Maria Gabriela Rodrigues, que acha que um ex-polícia não pode escrever sobre um caso onde participou e foi praticamente crucificado? Saberá a Drª quantos ex-policias Americanos e Britânicos se tornaram conhecidíssimos autores publicados internacionalmente?

Por falar em Americanos, convinha lembrar que a Juiza Maria Gabriela Rodrigues nunca poderia ter proferido semelhante decisão nos EUA, porque eles têm uma coisa gravada a ouro que aqui, se existe de todo, está coberta de ferrugem: a 1ª Emenda.

Se tanto, a ser provado difamatório, o autor pagaria uma multa/indemnização ao 'ofendido', mas NUNCA haveria lugar a PROIBÍÇÃO, APREENSÃO e DESTRUIÇÃO de OBRAS - para mais, quando baseadas em documentos oficiais e quando existem outras obras semelhantes, por ex. "A Culpa do McCann"...
Será por "A Verdade da Mentira" ter conseguido o que os outros livros não atingiram: uma enorme divulgação de factos suportados por inúmeros elementos credíveis da Polícia Portuguesa e Britânica?

Gonçalo Amaral não merece, todavia, a indiferença dos Portugueses.
Os Portugueses, no geral, também não merecem as ofensas proferidas pelos que, por xenofobia ou para desacreditar a capacidade dos Portugueses, se juntam ao coro dos McCann.

O Ultimatum de 1890 suscitou uma reacção exagerada, embora compreensivel.
Desde 2007 temos assistido a ultimatos atrás de ultimatos, cedências aos Britânicos, após cedências... até quando? Uma Reacção PRECISA-SE.

Cravos Em Dezembro

O que as TV's não mostraram na passada 6ª Feira.
O Movimento Justiça Gonçalo Amaral defendeu a liberdade de expressão e apoiou o ex-inspector da Judiciária, que viu, tal como todos os Portugueses, um seu livro ser censurado.

Não eram muitos -  num dia de trabalho pela manhã cedo -  mas eram bons, como se diz.
Eu estive lá, também; demasiado novo para ter participado no 25 de Abril, posso agora dizer que, infelizmente, já "lutei" pela liberdade de expressão. Infelizmente, porque parece que ainda temos que lutar por algo, que, pensávamos, já se havia conseguido e consagrado.

Fica a lição. A liberdade tem de ser conquistada e defendida, dia a dia.
Marquem já na vossa agenda - 12, 13 e 14 de Janeiro - é a vossa oportunidade de se exprimirem; não deixem por mãos alheias o vosso direito de falar e pensar livremente!

Homens da Luta, Agora a Sério - Contra a Censura!

QUEREM RE-INTRODUZIR A CENSURA EM PORTUGAL!

A MANDO DOS McCANN, TUDO O QUE OS PÔE EM CAUSA OU AOS SEUS ACÓLITOS, ESTÁ A SER ALVO DE PRESSÃO E CENSURA!!!!

O TEXTO SEGUINTE É O MAIS RECENTE EXEMPLO!


NÃO PERMITAM QUE ESTRANGEIROS DITEM O QUE PODEMOS OU NÃO LER, DIZER, PENSAR EM PORTUGAL!!! AJUDEM A REABRIR O PROCESSO!



Mark Hollingsworth Investigates The McCann Files



Disillusioned with the Portuguese police, Gerry and Kate McCann turned to private detectives to find their missing daughter. Instead the efforts of the private eyes served only to scare off witnesses, waste funds and raise false hopes. Mark Hollingsworth investigates the investigators.



by Mark Hollingsworth*


It was billed as a ‘significant development’ in the exhaustive search for Madeleine McCann. At a recent dramatic press conference in London, the lead private investigator David Edgar, a retired Cheshire detective inspector, brandished an E-FIT image of an Australian woman, described her as ‘a bit of a Victoria Beckham lookalike’, and appealed for help in tracing her. The woman was seen ‘looking agitated’ outside a restaurant in Barcelona three days after Madeleine’s disappearance. ‘It is a strong lead’, said Edgar, wearing a pin-stripe suit in front of a bank of cameras and microphones. ‘Madeleine could have been in Barcelona by that point. The fact the conversation took place near the marina could be significant.’

But within days reporters discovered that the private detectives had failed to make the most basic enquiries before announcing their potential breakthrough. Members of Edgar’s team who visited Barcelona had failed to speak to anyone working at the restaurant near where the agitated woman was seen that night, neglected to ask if the mystery woman had been filmed on CCTV cameras and knew nothing about the arrival of an Australian luxury yacht just after Madeleine vanished.

The apparent flaws in this latest development were another salutary lesson for Kate and Gerry McCann, who have relied on private investigators after the Portuguese police spent more time falsely suspecting the parents than searching for their daughter. For their relations with private detectives have been frustrating, unhappy and controversial ever since their daughter’s disappearance in May 2007.

The search has been overseen by the millionaire business Brian Kennedy, 49, who set up Madeleine’s Fund: Leaving No Stone Unturned, which aimed ‘to procure that Madeleine’s abduction is thoroughly investigated’. A straight-talking, tough, burly self-made entrepreneur and rugby fanatic, he grew up in a council flat near Tynecastle in Scotland and was brought up as a Jehovah’s Witness. He started his working life as a window cleaner and by 2007 had acquired a £350 million fortune from double-glazing and home-improvement ventures. Kennedy was outraged by the police insinuations against the McCanns and, though a stranger, worked tirelessly on their behalf. ‘His motivation was sincere,’ said someone who worked closely with him. ‘He was appalled by the Portuguese police, but he also had visions of flying in by helicopter to rescue Madeleine.’

Kennedy commissioned private detectives to conduct an investigation parallel to the one run by the Portuguese police. But his choice showed how dangerous it is when powerful and wealthy businessmen try to play detective. In September 2007, he hired Metodo 3, an agency based in Barcelona, on a six-month contract and paid it an estimated £50,000 a month. Metodo 3 was hired because of Spain’s ‘language and cultural connection’ with Portugal. ‘If we’d had big-booted Brits or, heaven forbid, Americans, we would have had doors slammed in our faces’ said Clarence Mitchell, spokesperson for the McCann’s at the time. ‘And it’s quite likely that we could have been charged with hindering the investigation as technically it’s illegal in Portugal to undertake a secondary investigation.

The agency had 35 investigators working on the case in Britain, France, Spain, Portugal and Morocco. A hotline was set up for the public to report sightings and suspicions, and the search focussed on Morocco. But the investigation was dogged by over-confidence and braggadocio. ‘We know who took Madeleine and hope she will be home by Christmas,’ boasted Metodo 3’s flamboyant boss Francisco Marco. But no Madeleine materialised and their contract was not renewed.

Until now, few details have emerged about the private investigation during those crucial early months, but an investigation by ES shows that key mistakes were made, which in turn made later enquiries far more challenging.

ES has spoken to several sources close to the private investigations that took place in the first year and discovered that:


•The involvement of Brian Kennedy and his son Patrick in the operation was counter-productive, notably when they were questioned by the local police for acting suspiciously while attempting a 24-hour ‘stake out’.


•The relationship between Metodo 3 and the Portuguese police had completely broken down.


•Key witnesses were questioned far too aggressively, so much so that some of them later refused to talk to the police.


•Many of the investigators had little experience of the required painstaking forensic detective work.


By April 2008, nearing the first anniversary of the disappearance, Kennedy and the McCanns were desperate. And so when Henri Exton, a former undercover police officer who worked on M15 operations, and Kevin Halligen, a smooth-talking Irishman who claimed to have worked for covert British government intelligence agency GCHQ, walked through the door, their timing was perfect. Their sales pitch was classic James Bond spook-talk: everything had to be ‘top secret’ and ‘on a need to know basis’. The operation would involve 24-hour alert systems, undercover units, satellite imagery and round-the-clock surveillance teams that would fly in at short notice. This sounded very exiting but, as one source close to the investigation told ES, it was also very expensive and ultimately unsuccessful. ‘The real job at hand was old-fashioned, tedious, forensic police work rather than these boy’s own, glory boy antic,’ he said.

But Kennedy was impressed by the license-to-spy presentation and Exton and Halligen were hire for a fee of £100,000 per month plus expenses. Ostensibly, the contract was with Halligen’s UK security company, Red Defence International Ltd, and an office was set up in Jermyn Street, in St James’s. Only a tiny group of employees did the painstaking investigative work of dealing with thousands of emails and phone calls. Instead, resources were channelled into undercover operations in paedophile rings and among gypsies throughout Europe, encouraged by Kennedy. A five-man surveillance team was dispatched in Portugal, overseen by the experienced Exton, for six weeks.

Born in Belgium in 1951, Exton had been a highly effective undercover officer for the Manchester police. A maverick and dynamic figure, he successfully infiltrated gangs of football hooligans in the 1980’s. While not popular among his colleagues, in 1991 he was seconded to work on MI5 undercover operations against drug dealers, gangsters and terrorists, and was later awarded the Queen’s Police Medal for ‘outstanding bravery’. By all accounts, the charismatic Exton was a dedicated officer. But in November 2002, the stress appeared to have overcome his judgement when he was arrested for shoplifting.

While working on an MI5 surveillance, Exton was caught leaving a tax-free shopping area at Manchester airport with a bottle of perfume he had not paid for. The police were called and he was given the option of the offence being dealt with under caution or to face prosecution. He chose a police caution and so in effect admitted his guilt. Exton was sacked, but was furious about the way he had been treated and threatened to sue MI5. He later set up his own consulting company and moved to Bury in Lancashire.

While Exton, however flawed, was the genuine article as an investigator, Halligen was a very different character. Born in Dublin in 1961, he has been described as a ‘Walter Mitty figure’. He used false names to collect prospective clients at airports in order to preserve secrecy, and he called himself ‘Kevin’ or ‘Richard’ or ‘Patrick’ at different times to describe himself to business contacts. There appears to be no reason for all this subterfuge except that he thought this was what agents did. A conspiracy theorist and lover of the secret world, he is obsessed by surveillance gadgets and even installed a covert camera to spy on his own employees. He claimed to have worked for GCHQ, but in fact he was employed by the Atomic Energy Authority (AEA) as head of defence systems in the rather less glamorous field of new information technology, researching the use of ‘special batteries’. He told former colleagues and potential girlfriends that he used to work for MI5, MI6 and the CIA. He also claimed that he was nearly kidnapped by the IRA, was involved in the first Gulf War and had been a freefall parachutist.

Very little of this is true. What is true is that Halligen has a degree in electronics, worked on the fringes of the intelligence community while at AEA and does understand government communications. He could also be an astonishingly persuasive, engaging and charming individual. Strikingly self-confident and articulate, he could be generous and clubbable. ‘He was very good company but only when it suited him’ says one friend. He kept people in compartments.’

After leaving the AEA, Halligen set up Red Defence International Ltd as an international security and political risk company, advising clients on the risks involved in investing and doing business in unstable, war-torn and corrupt countries. He worked closely with political risk companies and was a persuasive advocate of IT security. In 2006, he struck gold when hired by Trafigura, the Dutch commodities trading company. Executives were imprisoned in the Ivory Coast after toxic waste was dumped in landfills near its biggest city Abidjan. Trafigura was blamed and hired Red Defence International at vast expense to help with the negotiations to release its executives. A Falcon business jet was rented for several months during the operation and it was Halligen’s first taste of the good life. The case only ended when Trafigura paid $197 million to the government of the Ivory Coast to secure the release of the prisoners.

Halligen made a fortune from Trafigura and was suddenly flying everywhere first-class, staying at the Lansborough and Stafford hotels in London and The Willard hotel in Washington DC for months at a time. In 2007 he set up Oakley International Group and registered at the offices of the prestigious law firm Patton Boggs, in Washington DC, as an international security company. He was now strutting the stage as a self-proclaimed international spy expert and joined the Special Forces Club in Knightsbridge, where he met Exton.

During the Madeleine investigation, Halligen spent vast amounts of time in the HeyJo bar in the basement of the Abracadabra Club near his Jermyn Street office. Armed with a clutch of unregistered mobile phones and a Blackberry, the bar was in effect his office. ‘He was there virtually the whole day,’ a former colleague told ES. ‘He had an amazing tolerance for alcohol and a prodigious memory and so occasionally he would have amazing bursts of intelligence, lucidity and insights. They were very rare but they did happen.’

When not imbibing in St James’s, Halligen was in the United States, trying to drum up investors for Oakley International. On 15 August 2008, at the height of the McCann investigation crisis, he persuaded Andre Hollis, a former US Drug enforcement agency official, to write out an $80.000 cheque to Oakley in return for a ten per cent share-holding. The money was then transferred into the private accounts of Halligen and his girlfriend Shirin Trachiotis to finance a holiday in Italy, according to Hollis. In a $6 million lawsuit filed in Fairfax County, Virginia, Hollis alleges that Halligen ‘received monies for Oakley’s services rendered and deposited the same into his personal accounts’ and ‘repeatedly and systematically depleted funds from Oakley’s bank accounts for inappropriate personal expenses’.

Hollis was not the only victim. Mark Aspinall, a respected lawyer who worked closely with Halligen, invested £500,000 in Oakley and lost the lot. Earlier this year he filed a lawsuit in Washington DC against Halligen claiming $1.4 million in damages. The finances of Oakley International are in chaos and numerous employees, specialist consultants and contractors have not been paid. Some of them now face financial ruin.

Meanwhile, Exton was running the surveillance teams in Portugal and often paying his operatives upfront, so would occasionally be out-of-pocket because Halligen had not transferred funds. Exton genuinely believed that progress was being made and substantial and credible reports on child trafficking were submitted. But by mid-August 2008, Kennedy and Gerry McCann were increasingly concerned by an absence of details of how the money was being spent. At one meeting, Halligen was asked how many men constituted a surveillance team and he produced a piece of paper on which he wrote ‘between one and ten’. But he then refused to say how many were working and how much they were being paid.

While Kennedy and Gerry McCann accepted that the mission was extremely difficult and some secrecy was necessary, Halligen was charging very high rates and expenses. And eyebrows were raised when all the money was paid to Oakley International, solely owned and managed by Halligen. One invoice, seen by ES, shows that for ‘accrued expenses to May 5, 2008’ (just one month into the contract), Oakley charged $74,155. The ‘point of contact’ was Halligen who provided a UK mobile telephone number.

While Kennedy was ready to accept Halligen at face value, Gerry McCann – sharp, focused and intelligent – was more sceptical. The contract with Oakley International and Halligen was terminated by the end of September 2008, after £500,000-plus expenses had been spent.

For the McCanns it was a bitter experience, Exton has returned to Cheshire and, like so many people, is owed money by Halligen. As for Halligen, he has gone into hiding, leaving a trail of debt and numerous former business associates and creditors looking for him. He was last seen in January of this year in Rome, drinking and spending prodigiously at the Hilton Cavalieri and Excelsior hotels. He is now believed by private investigators, who have been searching for him to serve papers on behalf of creditors, to be in the UK and watching his back. Meanwhile, in the eye of the storm, the McCanns continue the search for their lost daughter.
in ES Magazine (London Evening Standard)– Paper edition only, 28 August 2009


*Mark Hollingsworth is best known for his investigations into Mark Thatcher and also MI5. He worked for Granada TV’s ‘World In Action’ programme for five years. He is the author of nine books, notably ‘Thatcher’s Fortunes: The Life and Times of Mark Thatcher’, ‘Defending the Realm: MI5 and International Terrorism’ and ‘Saudi Babylon: Torture, Corruption and Cover-Up Inside the House of Saud’. His new book, ‘Londongrad: From Russia with Cash, The Inside Story of the Oligarchs’, will be published in July 2009. He also contributes regularly to the London Evening Standard and most national newspapers